The Indian economy's bipolar disorder
Market capitalism suffers from, what psychiatrists describe as,
bipolar disorder. The affliction leads to alternate periods of elation
and depression. This ailment can be controlled and managed by treatment,
but never completely cured. The Indian economy is currently in a state
of changing moods, from euphoria to dejection. There are unmistakable
signs of slowing down and growing misery — low demand, absence of
private investments, rising unemployment and stagnating production in
many important sectors of the economy, including the agricultural sector
where farmers are in acute distress. Two questions come to the mind of
ordinary citizens: what is the cause of this impending gloom about the
economy, and what, if anything, can be done about it to improve the
situation?
Let’s take the second question first. That the economy
is not in proper health is accepted by even the most die-hard Bharatiya
Janata Party supporter. The issue is whether we need to do anything
about it. An ideal analogy would be the situation when we fall ill.
There are many people who have strong faith in the built-in natural
immune system of the human body and refuse to take strong medicine with
harmful side effects that could be long-lasting. There are others who
believe in taking quick action and allowing the medical practitioner to
prescribe medicines that modern science has to offer. Economic
policymakers are split along similar lines. There are conservative
economists who believe that the market system can, given a little bit of
time, recover automatically from its ailment of unemployment and low
levels of output. The logic is simple: if there are unutilized resources
like capital and labour, their prices (provided market prices are
allowed to be flexible) will fall. This would be a signal for producers
to hire more workers at a lower wage and use more productive capacity.
Output and income would then increase. Markets would return to health,
once again. The government has no role in this. Indeed, it should remain
hands-off and not mess up by meddling with medicines with strong side
effects.
There are other economists who believe that this process
could take a long time to return the patient to good health. Meanwhile,
individuals and firms affected would suffer or protest, neither of which
is a situation that is politically palatable to governments. Unless, of
course, the government cares little and can suppress dissent or deflect
attention with demonic craftiness. Moreover, prices are usually
inflexible in a downward direction. Take, for instance, wages in
organized sectors. Price of labour is usually contracted for a period of
time during which it is impossible to force wage cuts on workers.
Hence, these economists call for some treatment after a diagnosis of
which specific symptoms need priority attention. For instance, if credit
is expensive and credit flows are clogged, then reducing the cost of
credit and increasing the liquidity of the financial system might work.
If there are new opportunities and growing demand, lower cost of loans
and greater flows of loanable funds can do the trick. On the other hand,
if the sentiments of the investors are pessimistic and they do not
foresee new demand for their goods and services in the near future, they
will be loath to expand businesses even if the cost of credit is low
and loans are available easily. In such a situation, the prescription is
for the government to spend directly on public investments, such as
infrastructure or expansion of education and healthcare facilities by
borrowing.
In India, at the moment, the current government
believes in a hands-off approach. That belief was well reflected in a
statement made by the chief economic adviser that Indian industrialists
need to grow up and not come running to the government for help when
they start making losses. What the government’s approach has been is to
use monetary policy to lower the cost of borrowing by reducing the
benchmark interest rates. Banks on the other hand, stuck with a large
amount of bad and doubtful loans, are not ready to open their purses and
take on fresh risks even if there were borrowers lined up in front of
their offices. To restore some confidence, the finance minister of the
nation has committed a large infusion of fresh capital into the banking
system. The amount committed is close to the amount it has taken away
from the Reserve Bank of India’s kitty. This would avoid increasing the
budget deficit of the government. The real trouble is that there are
very few new takers for loans. The senior most officer of the largest
bank, the State Bank of India, has proclaimed that he is sitting with a
loanable funds kitty of one lakh crore and can disburse the amount in
one month’s time. What he refrained from saying was that this would be
well-nigh impossible to lend due to the paucity of borrowers International capital as well as large corporations, domestic
and foreign, tend to prefer non-interfering governments with low
deficits. The reasons are straightforward. They do not want the
government to compete in profitable areas. Borrowing by the government
also increases interest rates and this elbows out private borrowers from
the funds markets. A government that is financed and endorsed by large
corporate power is very unlikely to indulge in big-ticket public
investment projects. Instead, as a recent press report suggested, there
is consideration to bring down the minimum legislated wage rate in the
country from Rs 300 a day to Rs 200 a day. This would stimulate demand
and recovery as the hands-off approach suggests. Restoring the
purchasing power of the middle and poorer classes of society would
require some form of systemic redistribution of wealth from the very
rich elites. Economic inequality in India has increased at an
astonishing pace in the last three decades. It will be very difficult
for any democratically elected government to upset the apple cart that
would disturb the wealthy and the powerful.
There was another
question we had raised. What caused this state of affairs? It is not
unusual for a patient to have bipolar disorder. However, this time,
there is an added systemic risk the patient will have to face. That is
the inexorable march of automation and the huge disruption it will bring
to the labour market in the coming few years. Jobs becoming obsolete
are expected to surpass the new jobs that would be created. The latter
will be only for people with exceptionally high cognitive skills and
analytical abilities. India will not be an exception to this global
trend. However, we are not ready with any contingency plans like
universal basic income or new skill training schemes. Our higher
education system is becoming outdated day by day. The economic
weaknesses are both cyclical and structural. How would the government
manage the crisis if it believes in a hands-off approach? It would have
to suppress dissent and criticism. One political answer to all of this
is to have a permanent state of undeclared emergency with severely
curbed fundamental rights and civil liberties. We will still have a
chattering class of sycophants applauding on the sidelines, relishing
the suffering of others.
Capitalism is growing old. Bipolar
disorders usually become more acute and complicated with age, especially
if left untreated. Its institutions are becoming weak and
dysfunctional. People crave for order amidst chaos. They do not always
have the foresight to realize that the desired order can be best found
in a jailhouse or a cemetery.
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