Mountain of Capitol Hill
The Economic Times
October 29, 2019
India’s severe drubbing at the hands of Democrats last week over the Kashmir situation was a wake-up call. It should encourage a rethink of approach, a rebooting of effort, even a re-imagination of how to engage Capitol Hill.
If you have doubts, listen to what a Congressional staffer told me snarkily, “The Indians thought they owned the US Congress. They don’t. They have a problem here.” Of course. That’s not rocket science. But how India got here, and what should be done to address the problem is a more relevant question.
A draft resolution by Democratic Congresswoman Pramila Jayapal is now in the works. Can India’s friends be roused to take a stand and prevent further embarrassment for New Delhi? The Congressional hearing was bad enough. Congressman Brad Sherman, chairman of the Asia subcommittee, didn’t even pretend to be impartial.
Reasons for his displeasure are murky. But he is believed to be upset over the way his request to speak at the ‘Howdy, Modi!’ rally was handled. Donations to his campaign were also deemed inadequate.
Sherman’s staff went to work, focused the hearing solely on Kashmir, and sat back. Suggestions for more balanced speakers from the House Foreign Affairs Committee were ignored.
Instead, Sherman’s aides organised a ‘dress rehearsal’ on October 8 where Democratic staffers were fed a Pakistani diet. They heard from half adozen Pakistani American academics and activists. One can imagine the content.
This ‘briefing’ was sponsored by the ‘Kashmir Human Rights Foundation’, an organisation that barely exists, has no fixed address or phone number. But no one was asking. The one-sided hearing that followed on October 22 was partly a result of this ‘expert’ input. Reminder: the Pakistani embassy and the diaspora have reportedly spent tens of millions of dollars to stir the waters against India since the suspension of Article 370.
The hearing is done, but questions remain about the lead-up to it, the frontal attack and the aftermath. Was the storm’s severity known before it hit? Were timely protective measures taken? Did India play hardball to ensure a fair hearing?
If the answer to the first question is a ‘no’, answers to the next two can’t be satisfactory. Reasons for failing to correctly gauge the mood could be many. Even with both ears to the ground, one can get it wrong. But systemic issues must be addressed if New Delhi cares enough, and if the diaspora is useful enough to help achieve the goals set for the bilateral relationship.
After watching 25 years from the sidelines, here’s my humble analysis: the biggest issue is the patchy, sporadic and random outreach to the US Congress. There’s no blue book of what’s expected, what should be done at a minimum and how to achieve it.
Some ambassadors work hard and walk the corridors of Capitol Hill. But others barely bother, relying solely on junior diplomats to do the job. Some travel to home states of Congressmen and senators to build relationships.
Others travel to secure post-retirement positions at US universities. Or, worse, take unnecessary trips to Hawaii with wives, just because they can. (While we are on Hawaii, let me say, it’s not just ambassadors — the biggest culprits are ministry of defence (MoD) delegations.)
But let’s get back to how to climb Capitol Hill. It’s true that covering Capitol Hill is a gigantic task. With 435 members of the House and 100 in the Senate, it’s impossible to blanket the place. But strategic and regular outreach to those who matter for South Asia is not that hard if you have a plan. ‘If ’ being the operative word.
Let’s be clear — a junior diplomat, no matter how skilled, can only reach staffers, not the lawmakers. Even with staffers, attitude problems often limit success. Indian diplomats seem to have difficulty dealing with young, often ill-informed staffers. The task is onerous, as it is sophisticated — how to influence people without dictating. Carrying the weight of India shouldn’t make you a cheerless, hectoring interlocutor.
Another problem is ineffective use of lobbyists. Many Indian diplomats can’t get over the ideological barrier of having to rely on lobbyists. They rarely use them for grand strategy or setting long-term goals.
The last problem: the Indian habit of trying to get information for free. Information is power, and anyone with access will monetise. Unless you are willing to spend and persuade the Indian American bigwigs to think beyond photo-ops, India will keep facing the same problems.
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