How Pakistan can get Kashmir
The Express Tribune
February 11,2019
Kamran Yousaf
February 11,2019
Kamran Yousaf
Every
year on the 5th of February, Pakistan observes Kashmir Solidarity Day. This has
been the practice since 1990 when the late Jamaat-e-Islami leader Qazi Hussain
Ahmed first mooted the idea.
The
day is marked by a national holiday. Statements eulogising the sacrifices of
Kashmiris in the face of brutal use of force by the Indian forces are issued,
rallies are staged across the country and resolutions are adopted showing
support to the people of Kashmir for their right to self-determination.
This
year, the PTI government led by Prime Minister Imran Khan went a step further
to extend support to the Kashmiris. Foreign Minister Shah Mehmood Qureshi
travelled to London and attended several events, including one at the British
Parliament, for the Kashmir cause.
All
such efforts were aimed at highlighting the human rights violations being
committed by Indian forces in Kashmir, which has long been the scene of
tensions.
Pakistan,
being a legitimate party to the dispute, has every right to highlight the Indian
atrocities in the scenic Himalayan region. But do Pakistan’s efforts really get
any traction globally? Unfortunately, barring a last year’s report by the UN
Human Rights Council chief criticising the systematic human rights abuses in
the occupied territory, rest of the world — even the Arab countries with which
Pakistan
has close ties — are not bothered much about what’s happening in Kashmir.
The
reason India gets away without any punitive measure is that in the
international relations, economic interests trump issues of human
rights and morality. In fact, morality and international laws are often used by
powerful countries against weak nations.
It is
estimated that more than a million people died as a direct consequence of
Britain’s flawed policies during partition in 1947. But no one
has ever questioned Britain for the crimes it directly or indirectly committed
in the subcontinent. Interestingly, Britain today even lectures
us on human rights. Why Britain was not held accountable is because it was powerful.
That’s
not the only example. After the 9/11 attacks, the US military interventions in
Afghanistan, Iraq and Syria claimed at least half a million
lives. Did anyone think of dragging the US to the dock? This means no one can
catch you if you are powerful.
India,
under Prime Minister Narendra Modi, has been using brazen tactics to crush the
genuine uprising in Kashmir. It has also tried to change
the rules of engagement with Pakistan.
Now
even a mere telephonic conversation between the Pakistani foreign minister and
Kashmiri leaders invites a strong reaction from New
Delhi. There was a time when Kashmiri leaders from across the LoC travelled to
this part frequently and India never objected to that.
India’s
hardened stance stems from its economic prowess that enhances its clout
globally. This transformation has allowed India to neutralise
any outside pressure on Kashmir.
In
this changing scenario, what Pakistan needs to do is to formulate its Kashmir
strategy based on realism. India and the world will take Pakistan
seriously only when we unleash our true economic potential and create stakes in
international trade.
It is
foolish to think that India would give any concessions to Pakistan on Kashmir
knowing where today we stand economically. The current
government has borrowed money from Pakistan’s friends to keep the faltering
economy afloat.
The
IMF package may be next. And this is a template followed by successive
governments in Pakistan for decades. The reason we have never
been able to grow is because of absence of structural reforms, longstanding
issues pertaining to civil-military imbalance, fragile democracy
and lack of industrial advancement despite being a nuclear power.
With
these weak indicators and a plethora of issues, Pakistan can never forcefully
plead its case on Kashmir to the world and India.
Only
an economically powerful and politically stable Pakistan can guarantee a better
bargain on Kashmir.
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